UKPM CALLS FOR BOLDER U.K.-EU TIES ON WAY TO KYIV

British Prime Minister Andy Burnham told European Council President Antonio Costa that London must be bolder in seeking closer ties with the European Union, placing the U.K.’s post-Brexit reset inside a wider security debate shaped by the war in Ukraine. Downing Street said the two leaders discussed deeper cooperation while travelling to Kyiv, where Burnham was making his first foreign visit as prime minister. The conversation gave early definition to Burnham’s European policy: less focused on reopening Brexit arguments and more focused on practical cooperation in defence, security and economic resilience.

The statement comes ahead of a U.K.-EU summit later this year, which both sides view as a platform for further engagement. Britain has tried to improve ties with the bloc since Labour returned to government in 2024, but progress has been slow and often constrained by the legal and political realities of remaining outside EU institutions. Burnham’s language suggests he wants to move faster, though he has not proposed rejoining the bloc. Instead, his office emphasized cooperation across the relationship, building on defence and security ties already strengthened by Ukraine’s war.

The Kyiv setting matters. Burnham met Costa while travelling to co-chair a Coalition of the Willing meeting on support for Ukraine. That placed U.K.-EU relations in a context where practical cooperation is urgent and politically easier to explain. Defence procurement, air defence, sanctions enforcement, military finance and industrial production all require coordination among European governments. Britain remains outside the EU, but it is a major European military power, a nuclear state, a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council and one of Ukraine’s most prominent supporters.

The discussion also touched on mechanisms for increasing defence spending. Burnham met Luxembourg Prime Minister Luc Frieden and discussed the Canada-backed Defence, Security and Resilience Bank and the Multilateral Defence Mechanism launched by Britain, the Netherlands, Finland and Poland. Those instruments point to a growing recognition that Europe needs more durable ways to finance security commitments. The war in Ukraine, the U.S. focus on Iran and uncertainty over future American support have all intensified pressure on European countries to build capacity rather than rely only on annual pledges.

For Burnham, closer EU ties are also an economic signal. Reuters reported Monday that sterling had paused after a four-week rally as investors waited for U.S. sanctions on Iran and watched Britain’s policy direction. The pound has benefited from expectations that the Bank of England could raise rates later this year, but investors are also focused on the government’s first budget in October. A clearer U.K.-EU strategy could reassure some businesses that Britain intends to reduce friction with its largest nearby market, even if it does not re-enter the single market or customs union.

The political challenge is managing expectations. Pro-European voters may want a more ambitious reset, while Brexit supporters may see closer alignment as a dilution of the 2016 referendum result. EU officials may welcome a warmer tone but remain cautious about giving Britain benefits without obligations. The phrase “be bolder” therefore carries both opportunity and risk. It gives Burnham room to pursue targeted deals, but it may also invite demands for specifics on mobility, food checks, defence procurement, energy coordination, data, financial services and regulatory alignment.

Defence offers one of the least contentious areas for cooperation because the threat environment has changed. Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has made European security a shared concern that transcends Brexit divisions. Britain and EU states already coordinate through NATO, bilateral arrangements and ad hoc coalitions. A deeper U.K.-EU defence relationship could involve procurement cooperation, intelligence sharing, sanctions coordination, military mobility, cyber defence and joint support for Ukraine. The question is whether both sides can build formal structures that add value without duplicating NATO or reopening institutional disputes.

The economic dimension is more complicated. British businesses have long complained about trade friction with the EU, while EU governments have insisted that access requires rules and oversight. Burnham’s government may seek incremental progress rather than a single grand bargain. That could include mutual recognition in selected sectors, reduced paperwork for food and agricultural goods, youth mobility arrangements, energy links and closer regulatory dialogue. Each area has domestic political costs. Still, the Ukraine crisis may create momentum for a broader argument that Britain’s national interest lies in closer cooperation with European neighbours.

The U.S. context is also relevant. Trump’s tariff confrontation with Canada and his pressure-focused foreign policy have reminded European leaders that American policy can change quickly. Britain historically tried to balance its U.S. alliance with European ties, but the current environment may push London to strengthen both while reducing overdependence on either. Burnham’s comments to Costa suggest he sees the EU relationship as a pillar of resilience, not merely a leftover Brexit file. That is a notable shift in emphasis for a new prime minister establishing his foreign policy identity.

The next test will be substance. A warmer tone, a Kyiv meeting and a summit agenda can improve diplomatic atmosphere, but businesses and allies will judge results by agreements. Burnham must show that “bolder” means practical measures that improve trade, security and defence cooperation without creating new political backlash at home. For now, the message is clear: the new British government wants to move closer to Europe, and Ukraine’s war is giving that project urgency and legitimacy. Fact-check date: August 24, 2026. Article type: News. Sources: Reuters.